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Book of Mormon Geography

Evaluating Book of Mormon Geography

Although there has been no direct modern-day revelation on the subject of Book of Mormon geography,1 one of the ways in which students of the Book of Mormon have sought to more fully understand the importance of geography has been to generate geographical models based on clues in the text.2 Some have taken a purely internal approach, meaning that all insights are derived by strict analysis of the text alone before seeking external help. Others have looked for interpretive insights using a broader approach, mixing internal clues with external historical and cultural relationships. In trying to move everyone toward a consensus on an acceptable internal model of Book of Mormon geography however some writers have advocated that one cannot even consider external factors until internal interpretations have been resolved.3 It is my intention to not only show the shortsightedness of such an exclusively internal perspective, but to provide a more workable set of rules and suggestions for understanding and communicating Book of Mormon geography.

In attempting to construct a purely “internal” model of Book of Mormon geography based “wholly on the text,” John Clark has written an article entitled “A Key for Evaluating Nephite Geography.”4 In that article Clark says the following: “My purpose here is to suggest a simple key for evaluating any Book of Mormon geography that may be proposed.” He then gives the reader a set of six assumptions that might guide reasoning.5

Even more to the point, however, Clark states:

The first [question about Book of Mormon geography should be] whether the geography fits the facts of the Book of Mormon–a question we all can answer without being versed in American archaeology. Only after a given geography reconciles all of the significant geographic details given in the Book of Mormon does the question of archaeological and historical detail merit attention.6

Thus one might assume, by Clark’s approach, that in understanding Book of Mormon geography, internal geographical relationships gleaned from the text are of highest priority. To a limited extent, I agree. Anyone proposing a geographic model should initially seek a good general concept of the textual references that deal with geography. Furthermore, if the intent of Clark’s approach is to require systematic textual analysis for the establishment and teaching of any Book of Mormon geography model, then I agree with him again. Anyone proposing a geographic model should be willing to systematically describe in detail their textual logic in constructing such a model. What I would like the reader to understand, however, is that some additional complicating factors may be involved in interpreting the text. Indeed, the very fact that after 160 years of dedicated research there is a need for Clark to write such an article (or for me to write a response) may imply some inherent difficulties in this process, not only just in interpreting Book of Mormon geography, but in communicating that understanding to waiting readers. I believe that a discussion of some of these difficulties is in order.

To begin, my main point of divergence with Clark (and by implication all others that advocate internal primacy) is that I do not agree in totality with his premise that the geography of the Book of Mormon is “a question we all can answer without being versed in American archaeology.” It is not that I place archaeology as my top priority; it is rather that I consider the geographical verses in the text as only one factor among many (culture, language, chronology, history, archaeology, covenants, etc.) that help us to understand the complete message of the Book of Mormon. Clark stresses the fact that “only after a given geography reconciles all of the significant geographic details given in the Book of Mormon does the question of archaeological and historical detail merit attention.”7 But there is a subtle problem here: Who decides what is “significant” and whether it has been “reconciled”? Clark’s article clearly demonstrates what is significant to him–specifically the textual verses and analysis which he uses to substantiate his model. However, after spending many years in studying a variety of different approaches to Book of Mormon geography, and personally interviewing many of the people involved in such study, it has been my perception that some scholars have been able to gain significantly different, but acceptable interpretations to the geographical scriptures from multiple internal and external sources (among which are archaeology, language, historical facts, covenants, etc.). This has led them to develop not only their own set of “significant” geographical details in the text, but also to develop a different approach to interpreting and reconciling those details. However, in the same manner as Clark, these scholars have tended to focus primarily on what geographical details their perspective explains well, and have tended to ignore,8 minimize,9 or authoritatively over-ride10 other scriptural references or interpretive approaches which their perspective doesn’t explain well. Moreover, they have tended to judge (or dismiss) other theories too quickly in a biased manner rather than to seek more understanding of their perspective.11

So again, who is to judge what is “significant”? Moreover, how do these people communicate and “reconcile” their ideas to one another (or to Clark) when certain geographical details are either interpreted differently or not considered equally significant? Can we really agree on which geographical details in the Book of Mormon are significant? And whether we agree or disagree on these details, can we ever come to an agreement on the process necessary to communicate how we interpret them? Is Clark correct? Can we judge every geographical model by his set of assumptions? Or do we continue to have multiple groups, each with its own set of criteria and priorities, flailing away at each other in disdain? I believe that some common ground rules for building and communicating Book of Mormon geography models can indeed be established. While I do not fully agree with Clark’s internal approach, nor with his set of assumptions, I do feel that they provide a very good base for discussion of the previously mentioned difficulties in communication. To this end, by expanding on these assumptions, I hope not only to elucidate these difficulties, but to establish a superior set of ground rules for communicating Book of Mormon geography.

To Clark’s credit, rather than being oblivious to multiple perspectives and interpretations, he opens the door for further discussion with the following:

I have been careful throughout to minimize the number of assumptions made about the meaning of a passage. As apparent . . . some inferences and guesswork are inevitable given the nature of the text. I will be explicit about these, thereby allowing others to reject those inferences which fail to meet their own standards of reasoning.12

So let us do just what Clark allows. Let us discuss his assumptions and hopefully give them added perspective.

 

Clark’s Assumption #1: Assume a literal meaning.

To assume that every geographical reference has a “literal meaning” seems to be a very logical statement.13 However, there are ramifications for purely internal interpretations. I will lump these ramifications under the broad category of “internal bias,” and treat each one in turn.

A. Linkage:

No matter how simple the internal interpretation seems to be for some geographical statements, for every primary “literal” interpretation we give to that geographical statement at the first part of the Book of Mormon, we must thereafter give a qualified secondary or tertiary “literal” interpretation to all subsequent related geographical references. This linkage creates a dilemma for Clark’s Assumption #1. Let me explain.

In Book of Mormon geography, there are some geographical terms which might fall under the category of descriptive terms. Let’s consider the term “wilderness.” Even though we might choose to include “wilderness” areas in our internal model, we must ask what the term “wilderness” literally means. Does it mean mountains? or jungle? or desert? or uncharted territory? or sparsely populated territory? or completely uninhabited territory? And is the meaning of “wilderness” to be interpreted the same throughout the entire Book of Mormon story? It is apparent that lacking specific scriptural definition at every textual occurrence of the term “wilderness,” one is left to one’s own assertions.14 This means that depending on the type and extent of the “wilderness” mentioned, distances and directional (travel) relationships may need to be altered.15 One should not assume that their own internal “literal” interpretation is universally understood or acceptable in every situation.

B. Oversimplification:

Another concern in communicating a “literal meaning” in an internal environment has to do with an oversimplified perspective. Let me explain. Internal maps are usually no more than line-and-dot drawings using only the information gleaned from the text. What might seem logical in a “dot and line” format may appear oversimplified in a real setting. For example, the Book of Mormon text specifically names only one river (the Sidon) for all of the lands occupied by the Nephites, Lamanites and Jaredites in the New World. Moreover, while mention is made of the “head,” nothing is specifically said of any tributaries or branches. Where on the American continent do we find a location that fits this “internal” picture? I would hesitate even to guess. One might ask, What difference does it make if there were multiple rivers, with tributaries and branches? An answer might be that rivers affect travel time and direction, and thus distance and directional relationships may also be affected.16 Extrapolating this oversimplification one might wonder, What other significant geographical features have gone unmentioned in the Book of Mormon–mountains? swamps? lakes? jungles? deserts? volcanic crevices? And did these unmentioned features affect travel time and direction, and thus affect distance and directional relationships? External maps show us a more complete picture of geographical relationships, even though some features may not specifically be named in the text. By using a real-world setting, we can understand one’s perspective more clearly and we can see one’s bias more clearly.

C. Figurative language:

In Helaman 3:8 we read: And it came to pass that they did multiply and spread, and did go forth from the land southward to the land northward, and did spread insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth, from the sea south to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east. (emphasis added)

This verse mentions four different seas. If it is to be taken literally, then the shape and extent of Book of Mormon lands would reflect four seas, and thus would be different from Clark’s “hourglass” internal model, which has only an east sea and a west sea. Clark has this to say about Helaman 3:8: “Explaining away difficult passages as metaphors goes against one of my guiding assumptions for dealing with the text, but in this case I think it is well justified.”17 Clark then proceeds to make a scriptural argument for a metaphoric (and not a literal) interpretation. In the middle of this argument, Clark notes that “all specific references or allusions to Book of Mormon seas are only to the east and west seas. . . . Any geography that tries to accommodate a north and south sea, I think, is doomed to fail.”18

In view of Clark’s scriptural argument and his assertions, one might be led to believe that the existence of a “sea south” and a “sea north” would be illogical and close the door to further consideration. This would be unfortunate, because the fact that a geographical feature (in this case a “sea north” or “sea south”) appears metaphorical, or is specifically referred to once (or maybe not at all), does not negate its existence.19 Additionally, at the end of his internal metaphorical analysis, Clark adds:

The main point is that the reference to north and south seas fits nicely into the Mesoamerican scene as part of a metaphor for the whole earth and was probably used in a metaphorical sense in the Book of Mormon.20

Without disagreeing (or agreeing) with Clark’s assessment of a metaphor, or delving too deeply into his taking exception to his own rule to “assume a literal meaning” for all geographical passages, all I will say is that he has brought the external world into his internal argument. And from that external perspective, there is also a good amount of external evidence (Mesoamerica’s surrounding seas) which might lead one to accept the opposite point of view, which is that the four seas referred to in Helaman 3:8 were literal. I believe Clark’s concern here should not be on rightness or wrongness, but on additional perspective.

In view of the arguments concerning Assumption #1, I will propose that the “literal” meaning of the geographical verses in the Book of Mormon might not be as universally communicated or accepted as we may presume. Moreover, by not accommodating for “internal bias,” a strictly internal map might become a liability. The internal map becomes a liability not because it is put together in a biased way, but because the bias cannot be recognized easily or substantiated sufficiently.21 Once the geographical model is placed in a real world setting, even in a general way, the problems of linkage, oversimplification and metaphorical language can be better understood and evaluated. Thus I would make my Rule #1 to be: Rather than assume that the meaning for all geographical terms is universally understood, a linking of internal and external logic should be incorporated in order to illuminate internal bias.

 

Clark’s Assumption #2: Assume no scribal errors unless internal evidence indicates otherwise.

I hope I am not misunderstanding Clark’s intent here, but in my opinion this assumption seems flawed by an unstated premise, which has two parts: first, that there indeed might be “scribal errors” that affect geographical analysis in the text of the Book of Mormon; and second, that one can bring them to light using only “internal evidence.” In other words, while seeming to disavow “scribal errors,” Clark opens the door for their existence if that existence can be substantiated by “internal evidence.” The problem Clark leaves us with by this unstated premise is the matter of who is to judge when there is sufficient internal evidence to declare a “scribal error.”

Careful research has shown that through the various printings and editings of the Book of Mormon, incidental changes in meaning might have entered into the text.22 More pertinent to our discussion, however, is that over and above those incidental changes specifically identified through manuscript comparison, some verses related to geography seem out of place within the scheme of certain particular geographical models. Some of these have been cited as scribal errors because they don’t agree with the author’s own “internal evidence.”23

This begs the question, Should this be allowed? Upon consulting the Book of Mormon, we find that Moroni said of the record, “and if there be faults they be the faults of a man. But behold, we know no fault (Mormon 8:17, emphasis added). Thus we might assume that even though incidental errors might exist in the text, Mormon and Moroni didn’t know of any “faults.” Someone might reply, “That’s just it. That’s why it is a scribal error, because Mormon and Moroni didn’t pick it up.” Nevertheless, I must counter that reply with the statement that “barring prophetic revelation above the ability of Moroni and Mormon,24 we have no adequate judge upon whom we can all place our confidence to certify such errors.” Clark holds that “the Book of Mormon must be the final and most important arbiter in deciding the correctness of a given geography; otherwise we will be forever hostage to the shifting sands of expert opinion.”25 However, I would have to wonder how the Book of Mormon could be “the final and most important arbiter” if someone has a right to declare a “scribal error” every time some geographical or chronological phrase contradicts the supposed “internal evidence” on which they have built their geographical model. In my view, the ability to declare “scribal errors” in such a way could enable someone to create whatever internal geography and chronology he chooses.26 In other words, what doesn’t fit someone’s logical model quickly becomes a “scribal error,” and as some might say, “the tail begins to wag the dog.”

So how is my solution different from what Clark proposes? I would prefer to establish multiple standards for evaluating geographical and chronological statements, both internal (geographical, chronological, cultural, and covenant related statements, etc.), and external (geographical, archaeological, cultural, and historical statements, etc.), and allow enough time that the controversial textual interpretations (supposed “scribal errors”) could be elaborated on in a broader context by the one proposing such an interpretation. This approach would not only benefit the one proposing a model by keeping open any final judgment, but it would also help those of differing opinions by keeping the responsibility of positive explanation for the supposed “scribal error” squarely on the shoulders of the one proposing the particular geographical theory. I would much rather accept a statement by a geographical theorist that, in effect, says, “I can’t totally explain this one verse, at this time, relative to my theory,” than to have him unilaterally assign a supposed “fault” to Mormon or Moroni (or Joseph Smith) without their opportunity for rebuttal. This approach not only fosters more expanded research, but lessens the chance for one person’s internal interpretation to unfairly dominate over that of another simply because, for whatever reason, he wields more power. Thus, my Rule #2 would be: Assume no scribal errors other than the errors associated with the various printings and editings of the Book of Mormon. Nevertheless, allow time for verses that seem to be in error to be better substantiated or explained in different terms by the one proposing such an interpretation.

 

Clark’s Assumption #3: “Assume no duplication of place names unless the text is unambiguous on the matter.”

Despite the fact of the many place names in the Book of Mormon, neither Mormon nor Moroni ever specifically mentions any duplication of place names in the New World (for example, we don’t find any phrases like “This city named Aaron located near the city of Nephihah is not the same city as the city of Aaron near the city of Ammonihah”). Nonetheless, for the Book of Mormon geography student, it quickly becomes evident that there are some problems in duplication. These problems are most often encountered in the descriptive parts of geographical place names, and can best be illustrated by citing a few examples.

A. Common Descriptive Terms:

There are numerous references to “the land of Nephi” and to “the land of Zarahemla,” but these references do not always describe the same specific type of “land.” In other words, imagine that the Book of Mormon text talks of a “national land” named Nephi, a “state land” named Nephi within that nation, a “county land” named Nephi within that state, and a “city land” named Nephi within that county. If the text simply says, “He arrived in the land of Nephi,” the reader must ask, In which land of Nephi, at what boundary, and during what chronological time period did he arrive? Unfortunately, the text is not always clear. Thus, for each reference that contains the phrase “land of,” the reader faces a “duplication” problem that must be addressed, but about which the text is not always clear or “unambiguous.”27

Historical, cultural and geographical studies have taught me that in many instances, the borders of a “land” have been defined by cultural and geographical entities (language, rivers, mountains, trade, etc.) in addition to political or religious perspectives. Thus, a combined internal-external approach would greatly help in communicating the definition of Book of Mormon “lands” and other common descriptive terms.

B. Directional Terms:

Another difficult hurdle for the “no duplication” assumption involves directional phrases such as “the land northward” as opposed to “the land southward,” or “the sea east” in possible substitution for “the east sea.” Since capitalization of these terms was not part of the Original Manuscript, should we be forced to believe that there is only one “Land Northward” and one “Land Southward?” Moreover, do we have both an “East Sea” and a “Sea East?” Or do directional phrases such as “the land northward” or “the south wilderness,” or “the sea east,” or “the east sea” refer to places that are simply northward or southward or eastward or westward from the location of the writer or the location that he is writing about?28 Here the text is also unclear.29 Real world geographical and cultural information should be welcomed here to facilitate both interpretation and communication.

C. Cultural Terms:

Culturally derived place names such as “the land Bountiful” (see 1 Nephi 17:5; Alma 22:31) and “the land Desolation” (see Alma 16:11; Alma 22:30) are also affected by the “no duplication” assumption. Alma 8:7 reads, “Now it was the custom of the people of Nephi to call their lands and their cities and their villages, Yea, even all their small villages, after the name of him who first possessed them.” Strangely, there is no evidence of this Nephite practice in the names “Desolation” and “Bountiful.” Does this present an internal dilemma? We are told that the Nephites named a land in the Old World “Bountiful” because of the “abundance of fruit and also wild honey” (1 Nephi 17:5). In the New World, the Nephites referred to a land as “Bountiful” because of the abundance of wild animals (Alma 22:3, emphasis added). Nephi also mentions that where they first landed in the promised land, the people of Lehi planted seeds and “they grew exceedingly; wherefore, we were blessed in abundance” (1 Nephi 18:24–emphasis mine).30

The Nephites referred to a land as “Desolation” because the people of that land had been destroyed (Alma 22:30).31 They also referred to another place as “Desolation of Nehors” because of the destruction of that people (Alma 16:11). How do we “literally” interpret these names? Perhaps in the case of some references to the land Bountiful or the land Desolation, these descriptive names imply that the lands Bountiful and Desolation were not officially possessed by a people in the usual sense. In other words, perhaps the regions extended over specific official “Nephite named” lands or boundaries (according to Nephite custom) rather than being specific official Nephite boundaried lands.32 Once again the text is lacking in details, and thus a strictly internal approach to interpreting geography must be lacking also.

D. Consolidative Terms:

Some multiple descriptive terms in the Book of Mormon may refer to the same geographical area. If such is the case, then this creates a “negative duplication” (or consolidation) problem. For example, in our geographical studies we find the terms “small neck of land” (Alma 22:32), “narrow pass” (Alma 50:34, 52:9), “narrow neck” (Alma 63:5, Ether 10:20), and “narrow passage” (Mormon 2:29). Do these terms refer to the same geographical spot? That is, are the terms synonymous or different? Let us examine them:

(A) Small neck of land: “And now, it was only the distance of a day and a half’s journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward.” (Alma 22:32)

(B) Narrow pass: “The narrow pass which led by the sea into the land northward, yea, by the sea, on the west and on the east” (Alma 30:34). “The narrow pass which led into the land northward” (Alma 52:9).

(C) Narrow neck: “The narrow neck which led into the land northward” (Alma 63:5).

(D) Narrow passage: “the narrow passage which led into the land southward” (Mormon 2:29).

Three of the terms (B,C,D) might imply a geographical entity that leads between a land southward and a land northward, while the fourth (A) is described as being definitely located “between” a land northward and a land southward. Thus we might say: B = C = D or at least they are similar. We can also say that A is similar to B, which is similar to C, which is similar to D, or perhaps they might all be equal.

The small neck of land (A) was bordered at least on one side and maybe two sides by seas. The narrow pass (B) also “led by the sea . . . on the west and on the east” which might imply that a sea (a west sea) bordered it on the west, and a sea (an east sea) bordered it on the east. Thus we might say: A is similar to B, or perhaps A = B.

Thus we have three equations: (1) A is similar to B, which is similar to C, which is similar to D, or perhaps they might all be equal; (2) B = C = D, or at least they are similar; and (3) A is similar to B, or perhaps A = B. Therefore, do we conclude A = B = C = D (and thus only one small-narrow-pass-passage or neck?), or do we separate these four descriptive terms into two entities (a small-narrow neck of land and a narrow pass-passage?), or do we keep them as four separate entities (a small neck of land, a narrow neck, a narrow pass, and a narrow passage?), or do we try for all the possible combinations? If we do consolidate the terms, we might have a duplication problem in reverse. The text (or strictly internal approach to interpretation) provides no clear-cut answer to the dilemma.

In summary, I think that the interpretations of all common descriptive terms, directional terms, culturally derived terms, and consolidative terms are better left to a more open approach. Therefore, my Rule #3 would read: Any duplication of proper place names and any duplication (or consolidation) of descriptive place names should be based on logical internal and external argument.

 

Clark’s Assumption #4: Assume that all passages are internally consistent and can be reconciled.

I will assume that the ability for all geographical passages to be “reconciled” implies that there is sufficient textual evidence to construct an adequate geographical model. Although we do not even really know if we have such textual evidence (let alone in the specific internal geographical verses themselves as Clark implies), I would think we should nevertheless strive to make the best attempt possible to construct such a model.

As for the remainder of Clark’s Assumption #4 (“Assume that all passages are internally consistent”), as far as I am concerned it runs into a problem because of his Assumption #2 (“Assume no scribal errors unless internal evidence indicates otherwise”). In other words, I have a problem with the idea that someone has the authority to declare a “scribal error.” My reasoning here is that if all passages are “internally consistent,” then how can there be scribal errors? And if we have to reconcile the passages by declaring a “scribal error,” then how can all the passages be internally consistent?

Maybe I have misunderstood Clark’s intent with this assumption, but I would combine this assumption with my Rule #2, and thus my rule would then read: Assume that all geographical passages are internally consistent and can be reconciled. Assume no scribal errors other than the errors associated with the various printings and editings of the Book of Mormon. Nevertheless, allow time for verses that seem to be in error to be better substantiated or explained in different terms.

 

Clark’s Assumption #5: Assume that uniformitarian rather than catastrophic principles apply to the actual Book of Mormon lands

I would like to approach33 this assumption of a uniformitarian view of Book of Mormon lands from at least two different perspectives: catastrophic changes and directional notations.

A. Catastrophic Changes:

Some people have supposed that the verses mentioning “a great and terrible destruction” (3 Nephi 8:11) mean that the entire configuration of the Book of Mormon lands was changed. However, Mormon, in abridging the records of the events that followed the destruction, gives some hints that the former geography had not drastically changed: Zarahemla was rebuilt (4 Nephi 1:8), and the people “did build many cities again which were burned (4 Nephi 1:7). The destructive forces, although great, were defined in terms we can understand: lightning, earthquake, whirlwind, thunder, tempest.34 What about the “many cities which had been sunk (by water) that could not be renewed” (4 Nephi 1:9)? We find that Mormon made a very natural observation. In other words, although the destruction was widespread, it was only irreparable around coastlines or shorelines; and rightly so, for cities cannot easily be rebuilt upon water. Without closing the door to alternative viewpoints, it would be the responsibility of any theorist to establish justification (internal and external) for the assumption that any substantial part of the American continent was inundated with water, covered over with mountains, or altered dramatically.35

B. Directional Notations:

Did the meaning of directional terms change from the beginning of the Book of Mormon story till the end? Put another way, were the directions given on the small plates of Nephi of the same standard as the directions given throughout the large plates of Nephi? And were they the same as those used in the abridgment of Mormon and Moroni (including the book of Ether)? Moreover, when Joseph Smith conveyed the message of the plates which Moroni gave to him, did he translate the directional terms to a system he was familiar with (cardinal directions), or did he just dictate the directional terms as Nephi, Mormon and Moroni envisioned them?

 

In attempting to find the answers to these questions, we may do well to approach them from multiple perspectives. These perspectives should help form the foundation for a standard of directions in the Book of Mormon: (1) consistency among the record keepers; (2) the range of variance in directional terms; (3) directional orientation from a point of reference; and (4) the translation process.

     1. Consistency Among the Record Keepers:

     The Book of Mormon is made up from original writings of many writers:

           Lehi, Nephi, Jacob, Enos, etc. (The Small Plates)

           Lehi, Nephi . . . Benjamin, Zeniff, Mosiah2, Alma2, . . . Mormon2, Moroni2 (The Large Plates)

           The Brother of Jared, Ether, etc. (The Jaredite History)

     Moreover, in our present Book of Mormon, we find directional notations directly attributed to the following:

           Nephi (1 Nephi 16:13) — Small Plates;

           Zeniff36

(Mosiah 9:14; 10:8) — Large Plates;

           Mormon (Alma 22:27-24) — Mormon’s Abridgment; and

           Moroni (Ether 1:1) — Moroni’s Abridgment.

 

One might ask, Were these directions from the same standard? In other words, were the directions of every writer on the Small Plates the same as the directions of every writer on the Large Plates? And was the directional system established first by Nephi on the Large Plates (1 Nephi 19:1-5) and years later by Nephi on the Small Plates (2 Nephi 5:28-34) (both from a location on the American continent) according to the same directional standard as that of Mormon and Moroni in their abridgement?

In assessing this directional dilemma, we find that although Mormon used many different geographical and directional notations in trying to describe not only Nephite and Lamanite territories but the lands of Mulekite and Jaredite origins as well (see Alma 22:27-34 for an example), he apparently did not make any mention of having to change any system of directional standards relative to any recordkeeper on the Large Plates. Nor did he mention any directional system changes relative to the authors of the Small Plates when he wrote his editorial introduction to that record (see Words of Mormon). In the writings of Moroni we find that even though he tried to correlate some Jaredite locations with those of the Nephites (hill Shim — hill Cumorah — hill Ramah — see Ether 9:3, 15:11), he failed to mention specifically any major differences in directional reference systems.

Therefore we have reason to believe that the directional references in the Book of Mormon are “standardized” (meaning, for example, that the term “north” would always refer to a consistent orientation). On the other hand, if we choose not to accept this reasoning for the standardization of directions, we are left with one or more of the alternative conclusions that:

(a) Some or all of the original Book of Mormon record keepers did not consider consistent directional terms as necessary factors in keeping the records; and/or

(b) Mormon and Moroni, in their understanding and responsibility as abridgers and compilers to describe and transpose directional notations through the different chronological and cultural time frames of the Book of Mormon, did not choose to convey a consistent directional system; and/or

(c) Joseph Smith did not translate a consistent directional system correctly from the writings on the plates.

Thus, whether the directional ideas in the Book of Mormon were expressed in the beginning of Nephite history according to “the learning of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians” (1 Nephi 1:2), or whether they were expressed in the end of Nephite history according to “Hebrew” or “reformed Egyptian” which had been “altered” (Mormon 9:32-33), if these directional ideas mentioned in our present Book of Mormon didn’t become standardized when they went through the editing and compiling process of Mormon and Moroni; or more important, if they didn’t become standardized when they came through the mind of Joseph Smith in the “translation” process, then trying to make sense out of the geographical terms in the Book of Mormon might become very frustrating, perhaps even hopeless.

 

     2. Range of Variance in Directional Terms:

According to John Sorenson, “Directions and how they are referred to are cultural products, not givens in nature.”37 However, in the Book of Mormon, we are not dealing with all the cultural variations by which people orient themselves or have oriented themselves throughout history, we are only dealing first with the directional notations on the set of plates which Moroni delivered to Joseph Smith; and second, with how those directions came forth from the mind of Joseph Smith in the “translation” process.

By the use of such a term as “south-southeast” (1 Nephi 16:13), the directional system of the Book of Mormon (or at least the Small Plates) becomes divided into a minimum of eight parts with the ability to mark between them (producing roughly sixteen parts).38 This 16-part division of direction tends to limit the range of variance in defining such specific words as “north,” south,” and “east.”

Directional terms on the Large Plates, however, appear not to follow this specific compass-like sectioning; here we find the terms “northward,” “southward,” and “eastward.” (The term “westward” is never mentioned, which may prove to be significant.) Thus one might wonder if these terms should also be taken in a compass-like manner,39 or be viewed as generalized directional terms? In other words, should the term “northward” be taken to mean a direction broadly and generally north of a reference point, or should the term “northward” be taken as a specific substitute for an intercardinal term? (For example, “northward” equals northwest, “eastward” equals northeast, “southward” equals southeast.)40

Because questions such as these about the meaning of different directional terms are not readily answered with certainty from a purely internal perspective, the Book of Mormon student should expect a standard of external correlation for any proposed interpretation of directional terms.

 

     3. Directional Orientation from a Point of Reference:

In order to make the directions of an internal map of any value at all in the real world setting, one must be able to orient the internal directional standard with an external point of reference. In the Old World, Lehi’s “valley of Lemuel” was near the northern tip of “the Red Sea” (1 Nephi 2:4-14). The Red Sea is a definite external location mentioned in the Book of Mormon to which we can correlate. If Lehi traveled “south-southeast” in “nearly the same course as in the beginning” from the valley of Lemuel until he reached “Nahom” (1 Nephi 16:33-34), then the direction of “south-southeast” can be correlated with the Red Sea. It is worth noting that the coast of the Red Sea is aligned in a south-southeast direction. It is also no small thing that the ancient Frankincense trail went in the same direction.41

After reaching Nahom, Lehi traveled “nearly eastward” (1 Nephi 17:1), eventually reaching the land which the group called “Bountiful” by the sea, which they named “Irreantum” (1 Nephi 17:5). Thus, if the position of Nahom could be confirmed,42 then by having the beginning point, middle point, and the ending point of Lehi’s “course” of travel (“south-southeast” then “nearly eastward”),43 a definite directional orientation and comparison could be made relative to our modern-day system of cardinal directions. If our directional assumptions prove adequate, the land Bountiful might also be found,44 which might further verify our assumptions.

Unfortunately, in the New World (the Americas) we do not know of any verified point of reference.45 None is specifically mentioned in the Book of Mormon text. Because of this, and other internal factors,46 we have a problem in trying to establish an acceptable directional orientation standard that might span the whole Book of Mormon story.

     4. The Translation Process:

We do not know the details of how the Book of Mormon was translated. Joseph Smith gave few first-hand descriptions of the process. The following is taken from page 71 of Volume 1, History of the Church, concerning the Title Page or Preface:

I wish to mention here that the title page of the Book of Mormon is a literal translation, taken from the last leaf on the left hand side of the collection or book of plates, which contained the record which has been translated, the language of the whole running the same as all Hebrew writing in general; and that said title page is not by any means a modern composition, either of mine or any other man who has lived or does live in this generation. Joseph Smith, Jun.

Thus one is left to his own assertions as to what a “literal translation” might mean, or whether the statement that the language ran “the same as all Hebrew writing in general” implies Hebrew cultural paradigms related to geography, or whether the statement that the title page “is not by any means a modern composition” implies that the directional system is also ancient. In other words, without revelation on the matter, we cannot answer as to whether in a “literal translation” the directional terms (north, south, east, west) represent the directional system of Mormon and Moroni, or whether the directional terms represent those of the Hebrews, or whether the directional terms represent those of Joseph Smith, or whether the directional terms represent all or some of the above.

In summary, taking into consideration the consistency of the record keepers, the range of variance of directional terms, directional orientation from a point of reference, and the translation process, my Rule #4 would be: It is the responsibility of any theorist to establish justification (both internal and external) for any catastrophic changes or altered directional meanings relative to Book of Mormon lands at any point in the narrative.

Clark’s Assumption #6: “The best internal reconstruction is one which reconciles all of the data in the Book of Mormon with a minimum of additional assumptions.”

After many years of study and research, I have come to believe that all Book of Mormon geography students are guilty of using additional assumptions, whether internal or external, as we attempt to fit together a model, for it is difficult or nearly impossible to finalize a model without them. Yet sometimes we become so absorbed in the absolute logic of our own additional assumptions that we fail to recognize the magnitude of their impact on our model. I would like to ask the question, Is it the number of additional assumptions that decides who has the better model, or is it the impact those additional assumptions might have on the final outcome? And who is to judge?

Perhaps the judge is the real world. The first additional assumption the Book of Mormon student is asked to accept is that this book is about real people who made covenants with a real God. What goes without saying is that these people also lived in real cities, spoke and wrote real languages, had real customs, fought real wars, and kept real records. In essence, the Book of Mormon is about peoples who migrated from the Near East to the Americas and who built civilizations there during a time period from approximately two to three thousand years before Christ until approximately four hundred years after Christ and beyond. The problem of Clark’s map, or any internal map, comes when the map is all finished, with the least number of additional assumptions (the principle of Occam’s razor), and yet according to the same principle (of Occam’s razor), doesn’t fit on the external map.47 More additional assumptions then have to be made in order to give the internal map any relevance.48 No allowance has been made for this in Clark’s Assumption #6, obviously because what I have discussed are external additional assumptions. What should be apparent, however, is that relatively few internal assumptions could lead to major external assumptions, which ultimately can have enormous consequences on the viability of a Book of Mormon geographical model. I propose that it is not the number of assumptions one brings to his geographical model, but the magnitude of changes that result from those assumptions.49

Thus, my Rule #5 would be: Additional assumptions about Book of Mormon geography, both internal and external, should not only be carefully detailed, but their combined impact should be weighed carefully against both the real world and the message of the Book of Mormon.

 

Additional Suggestions:

I realize that Clark’s intention was to keep things simple; however, I feel that some areas beyond his six assumptions still need some attention in order to establish the proper foundation for constructing and communicating a Book of Mormon geographical model. The following are suggestions which I would add to my rules:

Suggestion #1: One should make their bias explicit in the manner of interpreting textual punctuation, capitalization, pronoun and adjective antecedents, and parallelistic patterns of writing.

A. Textual Punctuation, Capitalization, and Pronoun and Adjective Antecedents:

Although it was Oliver Cowdery’s duty to make a copy of the original manuscript (printer’s manuscript) and to oversee the printing process, at least some of the capitalization and much of the punctuation were apparently done by the printer.50

The Book of Mormon also contains geographical verses with many pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs whose antecedents are difficult to ascertain. Let me give just two examples of this dilemma:

(1) . . . and it bordered upon the land which they called desolation it being so far northward that it came into the land which had been peopled and been destroyed of whose bones we have spoken which was discovered by the people of Zarahemla it being the place of their first landing and they came from there up into the south wilderness. (Alma 22:30-31, emphasis added)

In order to interpret what this scripture is saying, we not only must deal with punctuation, but the words “which,” “their,” “they,” “it,” and “there” must be linked with the proper noun. One must also decide whether to capitalize “desolation” and “south wilderness.” These steps are critical to interpretation, but not always apparent.

(2) Consider the following list of similar phrases:

     “from the sea east even to the sea west” (Alma 22:27)

     “from the east to the west sea” (Alma 22:32)

     “from the east sea to the west” (Alma 50:8)

     “by the sea on the west and on the east” (Alma 50:34)

     “from the sea west to the sea east” (Helaman 3:8)

     “from the west sea even unto the east” (Helaman 4:7)

     “from the sea west to the sea east” (Helaman 11:20)

Whatever a theorist might assume about the meaning of these similar phrases relative to an east sea and a west sea, the reality is that one cannot even say with certainty that all the phrases relate to both a west sea and an east sea. To overlook phrases such as these invites confusion in communication.

In summary, confusion in communication can result when geographical theorists do not coordinate their views on punctuation, capitalization, or pronoun and adjective interpretation. We should be explicit in these matters.

 

B. Parallelistic Patterns of Writing:

A number of articles and books have been published which clearly demonstrate that the Book of Mormon text is full of ancient parallelistic patterns.51 The question every Book of Mormon geography student has to ponder is first, whether any of the geographical phrases in the text are included in a parallelistic pattern; and second, whether the parallelistic sequence affects the interpretation of the geographical phrase. Bias in Interpretation along parallelistic lines should be made explicit.52

 

Suggestion #2: One should illustrate their geographical and cultural ideas profusely, yet make illustrations free from overzealous attempts to shape an argument through convenient omissions, distortions, or additions to what, within an “artist’s privilege,” rightfully should be pictured.

If “a picture is worth a thousand words,” then any discussion of a geographical model should be loaded with sufficient pictures such that each reference to geographical movement or location is illustrated precisely. That is, we should know by the illustration just what is meant by every word in each geographical verse. The Book of Mormon story should be understood chronologically from illustration to illustration. An illustration not only facilitates understanding, but it also highlights bias.

As much as possible, distance should be correlated with a scale, for what seems like a small slip of a pen as viewed on a piece of paper can lead to a distance or geographical scenario that might be implausible. Additionally, illustrations should be related to a background map of the real world so that external factors might be considered, at least in a general way. It is sad to say that in the current state of affairs in the study of Book of Mormon geography, not only has no theorist illustrated his opinions fully, but few have even produced more than one dot-and-line map. This has left many a Book of Mormon geography student unable to fully analyze the most critical questions regarding a particular theory.

 

Suggestion #3: One should put travel in geographical perspective by defining indirect and direct chronological terms, constant or inconsistent direction of travel, speed of travel, and terrain conditions. Correlate these factors with an external setting if possible, even in a general way.

A. Indirect and Direct Chronological Terms:

There is a very big difference between the assumption that a group of 100,000 people could move from South America to New York and back again in one year, and the assumption that the same group could move that distance in twenty years. In analyzing historical events and travels, distance and location are a function of time. To take any travels out of their proper time sequence or to not relate the amount of time involved negates or diminishes any argument of distance or location. Any movement relating to Book of Mormon geography should always be accompanied by an explanation of the time frame for that movement (chronology).

Over 150 phrases in the Book of Mormon refer indirectly or directly to the chronology of the story (for example: “it was in the sixteenth year” (Alma 30:4), and “thus ended the eighteenth year” (Alma 44:24).53 Interpretation of these chronological phrases is necessary in order to evaluate travel and distance.54 So one might ask, Who makes the final judgment on what certain chronological phrases really imply? I propose that it is up to each theorist to make his bias clear.

One final point is also to be made. Why should we think that one internal map of the Book of Mormon, which covered at least 1000-3500 years, should be sufficient to illustrate all the geographical relationships that came and went during that time period? Although it is a very satisfying thing to find references to apparently the same geographical terms in various parts of the Book of Mormon, and then assemble them for analysis, geographical relationships might have changed over time Thus, complete chronological charting is essential for communicating geographical relationships and making bias clear.

B. Constant or Inconsistent Direction of Travel:

While the shortest distance between two points is a straight line, and at times in the Book of Mormon text we are given the “days” it took to get from one point to another; without exact textual verification one cannot say for sure just what part of those “days” were spent in traveling in a straight line, let alone the specific direction. These assumptions regarding consistent direction of travel can only be made clear when all the factors affecting travel are known. Internal maps lack much of this supportive evidence, such as terrain conditions, for example. Thus it is very helpful for a theorist not only to make his bias clear, but to give his model at least a general external background.

C. Speed of Travel:

Although it is clearly apparent that different individual people and different groups travel at different rates for different reasons, one cannot assume a standard of travel speeds suitable for judging all models until such a standard is backed up with sufficient internal and external evidence. Until that time, one should not only make his bias clear, but be very wary of judging other models by the conclusions he has drawn using his own assumptions of travel speed for individuals and groups.

D. Terrain Conditions:

Distance and location are not only a function of travel time, but also a function of terrain conditions. There is a very big difference between the time it takes people to travel through vast swampland, heavy jungle or rugged mountains, and the time it takes people to travel across uninterrupted, dry flatland. Additionally, good weather is much more conducive to travel speed than bad weather. Internal descriptions of terrain conditions in the Book of Mormon are very general and very limited. Thus, the closer one gets to locating the Book of Mormon map some place on the American continent, in some specific terrain, the easier it becomes to define direction and speed of travel and thus determine distance and location.

 

Conclusions:

In summary, I hope I have illuminated some circumstances pertaining to the methods of geographical analysis that might allow the Book of Mormon student a broader, more understandable base on which to build his or her geographic model. Assuming a base of systematic textual analysis, the following is a summary of my rules and my suggestions:

Rule #1: Rather than assume that the meaning for all geographical terms is universally understood, a linking of internal and external logic should be incorporated in order to illuminate internal bias.

Rule #2: Assume that all geographical passages are internally consistent and can be reconciled. Assume no scribal errors other than the errors associated with the various printings and editings of the Book of Mormon. Nevertheless, allow time for verses that seem to be incongruous with a proposed model to be better substantiated or explained in different terms by the one proposing such an interpretation..

Rule #3: Any duplication of proper place names and any duplication (or consolidation) of descriptive place names should be based on logical internal and external argument.

Rule #4: It is the responsibility of any theorist to establish justification (both internal and external) for any catastrophic changes or altered directional meanings relative to Book of Mormon lands at any point in the narrative.

Rule #5: Additional assumptions about Book of Mormon geography, both internal and external, should not only be carefully detailed, but their combined impact should be weighed carefully against both the real world and the message of the Book of Mormon.

 

Suggestion #1: One should make their bias explicit in the manner of interpreting textual punctuation, capitalization, pronoun and adjective antecedents, and parallelistic patterns of writing.

Suggestion #2: One should illustrate their geographical and cultural ideas profusely, yet make illustrations free from overzealous attempts to shape an argument through convenient omissions, distortions, or additions to what, within an “artist’s privilege,” rightfully should be pictured.

Suggestion #3: One should put travel in geographical perspective by defining indirect and direct chronological terms, constant or inconsistent direction of travel, travel speed, and terrain conditions. Correlate these factors with an external setting if possible, even in a general way.

As a final thought, I would like to say that although the present controversy over Book of Mormon geography lets us know that our knowledge of Book of Mormon geography is incomplete, it should also make us aware that our understanding of the whole message of the Book of Mormon is incomplete. If geography is a means to help understand that message, then the challenge is before us. Toward that end, I believe I have provided a more acceptable standard for interpreting and communicating Book of Mormon geography for everyone involved in the process.

  1. Michael Watson, secretary to the First Presidency of the Church, has recently clarified the Church's position on Book of Mormon geography:

    The Church emphasizes the doctrinal and historical value of the Book of Mormon, not its geography. While some Latter-day Saints have looked for possible locations and explanations [for Book of Mormon geography] because the New York Hill Cumorah does not readily fit the Book of Mormon description of Cumorah, there are no conclusive connections between the Book of Mormon text and any specific site. (Correspondence from Michael Watson, Office of the First Presidency, 23 April 1993)

    Taken from William J. Hamblin, "Basic Methodological Problems with the Anti-Mormon Approach to the Geography and Archaeology of the Book of Mormon," in Stephen D. Ricks ed. Journal of Book of Mormon Studies, Vol. 2/1, Spring 1993, p. 181.

  2. For a collection of many different proposed Book of Mormon geographical maps, and some brief comments on each, see John L. Sorenson, The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, F.A.R.M.S., 1992, pp. 37-206.
  3. In a seemingly paradoxical manner in view of his books, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (1985), Images of Ancient America (1997), and his article, "Seasonality of Warfare in the Book of Mormon and in Mesoamerica" in Nephite Culture and Society (1997), John Sorenson seems even more forceful relative to the complete priority and exclusivity of an internal model:

    160 years of ad hoc modeling or interpretation of the geography of Book of Mormon events have failed to settle much about the question of where the lands in which Book of Mormon events took place. . . . The following steps [in order to solve the Book of Mormon geographical picture] are necessary, and no other set of steps nor any other order for accomplishing them can solve our problem:

    1. Purge our minds as far as possible of preconceptions about where the Book of Mormon lands were.

    2. Analyze as freshly and completely as possible every geographical fact and sound inference which the texts require or make likely.

    3. Realizing that in fact we cannot completely rid ourselves of preconceptions or make inferences without some factual or logical errors, we should guard against hidden biases or errors by displaying for examination by other students as much of our mental processing as we are able. This requires writing out our work in detail; only written communication permits the careful examination by others that such work demands.

    4. Mutual criticism (again ideally in writing) is essential to reveal points where different students can agree or where they need to improve their thinking or information. This criticism need not be uncharitable, although truth must be the ultimate standard.

    5. By this repetitive process all should move toward consensus. However, the end result may be a conclusion that the text does not provide enough information, as read at this time, to come to full consensus on a single-text based model. That can only be learned by trying.

    6. So far as a single model emerges from this effort, then one-half--the prerequisite half--of the equation has been prepared. Only after this has happened can a definitive search for external correlations be carried out. Until then anything said about external geography, archaeology, linguistics or the like for any location in America can only be prejudicial to the suspension of opinion that we ought to maintain. (emphasis added, John Sorenson, The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, FARMS, 1992, pp. 209-211)

  4. John Clark, "A Key for Evaluating Nephite Geographies," in Review of Books on The Book of Mormon, Vol. 1, 1989, F.A.R.M.S., pp. 20-70.
  5. Clark's simple key for evaluating "any Book of Mormon geography that may be proposed" is based on a set of assumptions:

    (1) Assume a literal meaning.

    (2) Assume no scribal errors unless internal evidence indicates otherwise.

    (3) Assume no duplication of place names unless the text is unambiguous on the matter.

    (4) Assume that all passages are internally consistent and can be reconciled.

    (5) Assume that uniformitarian rather than catastrophic principles apply to the actual Book of Mormon lands (i.e., that the locality where the Book of Mormon events took place was not unrecognizably altered at the time of the crucifixion, that geographic details in the small plates and in the book of Ether are therefore compatible with those in Mormon's and Moroni's abridgment, and that the principles of natural science that apply to today's environments are also pertinent to Nephite lands.

    (6) The best internal reconstruction is one which reconciles all the data in the Book of Mormon with a minimum of additional assumptions.

    John Clark, "A Key for Evaluating Nephite Geographies," in Review of Books on The Book of Mormon, Vol. 1, 1989, F.A.R.M.S., p. 20-70.

  6. Ibid., p. 21.
  7. Ibid., p. 21, emphasis added
  8. For an example of Clark's ignoring a point, we can turn to Alma 50:8, which says: "And the land of Nephi did run in a straight course from the east sea to the west." One might interpret the word "west" in this verse in two ways: (1) as a directional term; or (2) as an antecedent referring to the west sea--"from the east sea to the west [sea]." Clark fails to mention this geographical verse at any point in his entire article (it is conspicuously absent on page 31). On the other hand, he presents the reader with an illustration on page 60 entitled, "Nephite Lands and Defense System" which directly relates to this verse. However, if this illustration is Clark's answer to Alma 50:8, then it is either wrong on both counts or, at the least, worthy of an explanation.

    First, the "defense line" (apparently representing a boundary line between the land of Zarahemla and the land of Nephi) is not drawn toward the direction of "west." Clark has this to say about directional terms:

     I do not pretend to know how Nephite "north" relates to the north of today's compass, and such information is irrelevant for my present purpose of reconstructing an internal geography. I do assume, however, that regardless of what any "real" orientation may have been, Nephite north was 180 degrees from Nephite south, and both were 90 degrees off of east and west. The directional suffix "-ward" is here loosely interpreted to mean "in the general direction of."

    The reader will note that in Alma 50:8, the term is "west" and not "westward."

    Second, if the line represents the boundary "from the east sea to the west [sea] it is not "straight."

    Thus, Clark chooses to ignore the problem of Alma 50:8 while forging ahead with an illustration on page 60 that lacks complete internal scriptural substantiation. Moreover, Clark gives no illustrative internal explanation as to what kind of natural boundary (a mountain, a river, a wilderness, etc.) that might afford to be classified a "straight" line, or to be naturally defended.

  9. For an example of minimizing a point, the reader will note that while Clark deals with directions for evaluating "Nephite geographies" (only pertaining to the New World), he does not deal with directions in the Old World, which were part of the geographical details noted by Nephi in the Small Plates, and included by Mormon with his abridgment. The details on directions in the Old World tend to correlate the term "south-southeast" (1 Nephi 16:13) with the ancient incense trade routes paralleling the shores of the Red Sea, which ran in a true cardinal south-southeast direction. Although, in and of themselves, the references on the Small Plates do not definitely prove that true cardinal directions were used in the New World, by not discussing them, Clark minimizes their impact on his argument for directions in the New World. (For a more thorough discussion on the subject, the reader is referred to the section "Directional Notations" found in this paper under Assumption 5.)
  10. For an example of authoritatively over-riding a point we turn next to Clark's treatment of distance (more specifically the distance across his isthmus-defined narrow neck of land). Having minimized the internal reasoning on directions (or the lack of true cardinal directions), by his own admission Clark opens the door to a correlation of his ideas with John Sorenson's internal model (see "A Key for Evaluating Nephite Geography," p. 69).

    However, while Sorenson correlates his internal narrow neck of land with the external Isthmus of Tehuantepec (see Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon, 1985), Clark has this to say:

    The Book of Mormon apparently specifies precise travel times for this area [the "narrow neck of land"--which Clark defines as an isthmus]. But the short distances involved (one to one-and-a-half days) cannot be squared with any known isthmus (without special conditions or travel rates being specified). (pp. 27-28) The Isthmus of Tehuantepec spans 130-150 miles from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico. Such a distance, in Clark's own words, "cannot be squared" with one-and-a-half days travel "without special conditions or travel rates being specified." Thus, Clark proceeds to authoritatively over-ride this internal--external distance dilemma. He constructs his own interpretive standard of travel speed for the Book of Mormon verses which relate travel time between specified locations (see pp. 28-31). The result is "war speed."

    Thus, having ignored Alma 50:8, having minimized the impact of cardinal directions, and having authoritatively over-ridden the verses relating to travel speed, Clark has structured an internal position from which he can now build a geographical model similar to Sorenson.

  11. After Clark gets through stating his assumptions and constructing a basic internal model with his structured internal analysis, he judges ideas that are contrary to his own (see p. 22) using the principle of Occam's razor (everything being equal, the simplest solution is the best). He additionally makes the following statement: "All that this really means, of course is that I have apparently interpreted the Book of Mormon passages in a manner similar to Sorenson." (Ibid., p. 69).

    What should be stated here is that although Clark's internal model indeed bears a striking resemblance to the internal model of Sorenson (see Sorenson, The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, 1992), Sorenson's external model is not exactly an Occam's Razor paradigm (see Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon, 1985). More importantly, however, without agreeing or disagreeing with Sorenson's cultural ideas for directions, or for his explanations for how a Nephite can travel 130-150 miles in one-and-a-half days, all I am trying to say is that, by association, Clark's internal model also does not fit on the American continent without directional and distance accommodations. Thus, because Clark has used the principle of Occam's razor to judge ideas that are contrary to his own structured internal model, one might wonder whether Clark's perspective is exclusively internal in order to give him an advantage over other external perspectives. In other words, by focusing on an internal model, Clark can dismiss, minimize, or authoritatively over-ride the specific internal problems (direction and distance across the narrow neck) which might be negatively judged in an external setting using the same principle of Occam's razor.

    While the reader might think I am overly critical of Clark because I have cited his apparent faults and not those of other theorists, I must reiterate that all theorists that I have studied are guilty of similar analytical structuring. It is not the structuring that I object to, for it is necessary in order to put together a theory. Rather, it is the lack of acknowledgment by the one doing the structuring that he is guilty of any bias. Worse still is my objection to one's judgment of other theories based on one's own individual biased model. Such is the problem of communication between Book of Mormon geographical theorists, and everyone I have communicated with, including myself, suffers from this problem of bias. I believe the solution to communicating Book of Mormon geography will be found through illuminating one's own personal bias, not in the premature judgment of others by one who assumes he has eliminated it.

  12. Ibid., p. 22.
  13. See note 1.
  14. Clark says in his article, "Internal evidence in the Book of Mormon is convincing that 'wilderness' refers to mountainous regions filled with wild beasts." (p. 27, emphasis added) Yet, on page 34 of his article he says, "The city of Moroni was not right next to the seashore but was separated by a 'wilderness.' Given the setting, it may have been a swampy, lagoon-estuary 'wilderness' rather than a hilly area."

    While there are scriptures that seem to associate "wilderness" with mountains at certain points (for example, the head of the river Sidon was located in the narrow strip of wilderness," see Alma 22:27), these are indirect associations and are only related to specific areas. The term "mountains" is never linked in a total direct and incontrovertible way to the term "wilderness" in describing Nephite geography. Some verses (Helaman 11:25, 28, 31; 3 Nephi 4:1) do mention mountains and wilderness in a setting that might imply that they are the same; however, I have seen the same verses used as evidence to substantiate a distinct difference between the two terms. Let me quote one which speaks of the robbers of Gadianton:

    And they did commit murder and plunder; and then they would retreat back into the mountains, and into the wilderness and secret places, hiding themselves that they could not be discovered. (Helaman 11:25, emphasis added)

    Who is to say whether these terms should be interpreted in a parallel manner or as a series of separate locations. By assuming a Mesoamerican setting, however, I can equate the mountains so prevalent there with wilderness and have my bias easily understood and evaluated. One doesn't have to believe what I say, but at least he can understand where I am coming from. More important, however, a standard is established that doesn't need to be defended at every mention, nor does it need to be argued over endlessly from different cultural perspectives. Moreover, if its meaning needs to be changed (such as to a "swampy lagoon-estuary"), the external map helps substantiate the change. Communication is taken to a higher level, and I haven't forced my logic on anyone.

  15. See also the discussion on Clark's Assumption 5 concerning a uniformitarian view of Book of Mormon lands.
  16. Clark uses the idea of water [river] navigation to enhance the distance traveled in "a day and a half's journey for a Nephite" through the small neck of land. (Ibid., p. 29, 9c.; p. 63) No river is ever specifically mentioned in the small neck of land in the Book of Mormon.
  17. Ibid., p. 65. Clark's metaphoric argument is found on pp. 63-67.
  18. Ibid., p. 65.
  19. Most Book of Mormon scholars place the overwhelming cultural evidence for the Book of Mormon in Mesoamerica. Mesoamerica is nearly surrounded by seas: on the north (the Gulf of Mexico), on the east (the Caribbean Sea), on the south and west (the Pacific Ocean). In view of that perspective, and with continued effort, we might eventually find additional clues in the text that would provide us with a glimpse of a model that has more seas than just the east sea and the west sea.

    If we turn to Alma 22:32 we find that "the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward" (emphasis added). Since the land of Zarahemla and the land of Nephi were both in the land southward, and since they "were nearly surrounded by water," and since the only exception mentioned was a small neck of land on their north, perhaps a "sea south" is implied.

    In the middle of a description of Nephite, Lamanite and former Jaredite lands, we find the words in Alma 22:30 that "it [the land Desolation] being so far northward that it came into the land which had been peopled and been destroyed, of whose bones we have spoken" (emphasis added). These bones were apparently those of the former inhabitants of "the land Desolation," who were the Jaredites. An expedition led by Limhi stumbled on to these bones in their travels to find the land of Zarahemla. The expedition traveled apparently northward from the land of Lehi-Nephi, ultimately traveling beyond the land of Zarahemla in "a land among many waters, having discovered a land which was covered with bones of men, and of beasts" (Mosiah 8:8, emphasis added) If Limhi's expedition traveled northward beyond the land of Zarahemla in a land among "many waters," perhaps a "sea north" is implied. It is interesting that in 1 Nephi 17:5 we find the following: "And we beheld the sea which we called Irreantum, which, being interpreted, is many waters" (emphasis added).

    Thus, in spite of Clark's statement to the contrary, the reader does at least have allusions, if not specific references, for both a "sea south" and a "sea north."

  20. Ibid., p. 67.
  21. A prime example of this "internal bias" is found in John Sorenson"s internal geographical analysis of Alma 20:1-2:

    And it came to pass that when they had established a church in that land [the land of Ishmael], that king Lamoni desired that Ammon should go with him to the land of Nephi, that he might show him unto his father.

    And the voice of the Lord came to Ammon, saying: Thou shalt not go up to the land of Nephi, for behold, the king will seek thy life; but thou shalt go to the land of Middoni. (emphasis added).

    Sorenson says the following, strictly from an internal focus:

    To the local land of Nephi--Lamoni headed "to" the land of Nephi, yet the voice of the Lord said to Ammon "go up to" there. Some elevation difference might exist, although it would appear not marked, given Alma 18:9 [". . . now the king had commanded his servants . . . that they should . . . conduct him forth to the land of Nephi . . . " (emphasis added)]. Or just possibly "up" was in this one case in deference to the political eminence of the king's capital. (John Sorenson, The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, F.A.R.M.S., p. 240)

    One would have to ask, In view of all the geographical references to the term "up," why is it necessary right here in Alma 20:2 to start defining exceptions to the rule of elevation ("up" and "down")? Is it really because of the term "forth" in Alma 18:9? If that is the case, why not negate the fact that the land of Middoni was "down" from the land of Ishmael (see Alma 20:7) and cite Alma 20:2, where it only says, "thou shalt go to the land of Middoni" (emphasis added)? Middoni was also a king's capital (Alma 20:4) Why is the elevation difference between the land of Ishmael and the local land of Nephi the only verse where exceptions of "up" are internally noted by Sorenson?

    Perhaps what we have here is a case of "internal bias." John Sorenson, in his book, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon, correlates the locations of the land of Ishmael and the local land of Nephi with Chimaltenango, Guatemala and Guatemala City, Guatemala respectively (see pp. 225-226). The elevation for the Chimaltenango area (Sorenson's Ishmael) measures at 7600 feet above sea level, while the elevation for Guatemala City (Sorenson's local land of Nephi) measures at only 4800 feet. This means that in an external setting, Sorenson's land of Ishmael is definitely higher than his land of Nephi. Thus with his external geographical model, Sorenson has to make an exception to the idea that the term "up" always means upward in elevation.

    So what does this all mean? It means that for Alma 20:2, interpreted in an external setting, the reader can see Sorenson's bias very clearly. One doesn't necessarily have to agree with his external setting nor with his analysis, but at least Sorenson's position is clear. One cannot say the same for Sorenson's internal analysis because his bias has not been made clear.

  22. Royal Skousen, Director, Book of Mormon Critical Text Project, personal communication.
  23. For an example of a supposed "scribal error" we can turn to Alma 53:6: "the city of Mulek, which was one of the strongest holds of the Lamanites in the land of Nephi." (emphasis added).

    By combining the geographical facts illustrated in Clark's article in Figure 1, "General Features of Book of Mormon Lands" (p. 24), with the facts illustrated in Figure 3, "The Northern and Eastern Borders of Nephite Lands" (p. 36), we might conclude that the city of Mulek was in the land of Zarahemla. Do we alter our internal model to fit the description in Alma 53:6, or do we declare this "a mistake"? Sorenson assumes a scribal error (see John Sorenson's article "The Significance of the Chronological Discrepancy between Alma 53:22 and Alma 56:9," F.A.R.M.S.).

  24. We might also add Lehi's name and Nephi's name to the list. Matthew Brown notes that perhaps something that helped Joseph Smith in translating the Book of Mormon was the fact that he had become personally familiar with those persons who had written it. Wilford Woodruff stated that the Prophet "brought forth [the Book of Mormon] according to the dictation of Moroni, Nephi, and Lehi, the angels of God who administered to him" (JD, 16:266, emphasis added). Perhaps this piece of information fits together with the report that "at times angels were in the room" in David Whitmer's house where the Book of Mormon was being translated ("History of the Life of Oliver B. Huntington," typescript, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 49-50). [Matthew B. Brown, All Things Restored: Confirming the Authenticity of LDS Beliefs, n. 16, p. 231]
  25. Ibid., p. 21.
  26. For an example of how this can happen, see John Sorenson's article "The Significance of the Chronological Discrepancy between Alma 53:22 and Alma 56:9." Among other assertions he states:

    1. "I see no alternative to assuming that Helaman misremembered . . ." (p. 7),

    2. "A fatigued Helaman erroneously recollected certain dates in writing his field dispatch or epistle to Moroni . . ." (p. 12), and

    3. "When Mormon was dealing with the old records, he was puzzled by the conflict between the Zarahemla annal(s) he basically followed and the dates in Helaman's epistle. In trying to work out a reconciliation, he concluded that the Lamanites must have attacked at two distinct times on the west . . . when actually that two year separation, as well as the assumption that Moroni visited there a second time, were erroneous interpretations." (pp. 12-13)

    For a response, see my article "Additional Insights on the Significance of the Chronological Discrepancy between Alma 53:22 and Alma 56:9," Parts 1-5.

  27. See Mosiah 24:24-25. See also Alma 50:8
  28. For one example, see Alma 43:32 where the reference point for a directional phrase seems to be a river:

    And the remainder he concealed in the west valley, on the west of the river Sidon, and so down into the borders of the land Manti. (emphasis added)

    For another example where the reference point for a directional phrase seems to be a small neck of land, see Alma 22:32:

    and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward [of the small neck] and the land southward [of the small neck]. (emphasis added)

  29. For example, Alma 22:27 says that the land of Nephi was "divided from the land of Zarahemla by a narrow strip of wilderness which ran from the sea east even to the sea west." Alma 50:8 reads, "the land of Nephi did run in a straight course from the east sea to the west." One has to ask, Is the "sea east" in Alma 22:27 the same as the "east sea" in Alma 50:8? A "no duplication" rule would seemingly imply that only one name would be given a geographical entity. In other words, a sea would tend to have only one "unambiguous" proper name. But in this case we have two terms: a "sea east" and an "east sea."
  30. One might ask, Is the place name Bountiful duplicated in Mesoamerica (the area most scholars associate with the lands of the Book of Mormon)? Hunter and Ferguson write:

    According to Ixtlilxochitl, the name for "the seat of the kingdom" as of 132 B.C. was Huehuetlapallan, which means "ancient Bountiful land." Hue-hue is from the Nahua (Mexican) tongue and means "old, old" or "ancient." Tlapallan (Tula-pallan) is derived from the primary Maya root Tul, meaning "bountiful or abundance."

    Hunter and Ferguson also cite Dr. Marcos E. Bercerra of the Mexican Society of Geography, who wrote on the native geographical names of the state of Chiapas. The state of Chiapas is where the ruins of Izapa and "The Tree of Life" stone--Stela 5 are located; it is also where John Sorenson places his proposed land of Zarahemla. Bercerra shows that many of the place names of Chiapas include the important root-name Tula or Tulan or Tlan, meaning "bountiful" or "abounding." He uses the Spanish word abundancia to define it. Some 19 place names in which tula appears are listed. (Milton R. Hunter and Thomas Stuart Ferguson, Ancient America and The Book of Mormon, 1950, pp.149-150)

  31. According to Hugh Nibley, Near Eastern scholars have stated that the ancient Semites denoted any scene of defeat with the name Hormah, which translates as "Destruction" or "Desolation". (Nibley 1976:195.) According to the Zarahemla Research Foundation Staff:

    The Hebrew word samem and its derivatives are translated "desolate" or "desolation." The meaning is "a barren, empty land, wasted and made bleak by some disaster. The disaster may be natural or a result of war. But usually this word group is associated with divine judgment." It usually applies to places and things (Richards 1985:222).

    This is a precise description of the land of Desolation in the Book of Mormon. (Zarahemla Research Foundation Staff, "Why Bountiful? Why Desolation?" in Recent Book of Mormon Developments, Vol. 2, p. 148)

  32. The situation of regions extending over specific "possessed" lands or boundaries rather than being specific boundaried lands is similar to national parks, or the "plains area," or even the "desert Southwest" in the United States which spreads across state lines. (See "Why Bountiful? Why Desolation?," in Recent Book of Mormon Developments, Vol. 2, p. 148)
  33. (i.e., that the locality where the Book of Mormon events took place was not unrecognizably altered at the time of the crucifixion, that geographic details in the small plates and in the book of Ether are therefore compatible with those in Mormon's and Moroni's abridgment, and that the principles of natural science that apply to today's environments are also pertinent to Nephite lands.
  34. See Alvin K. Benson, "Geological Upheaval and Darkness in 3 Nephi 8-10," in The Book of Mormon: 3 Nephi 9-30, This is My Gospel, pp. 63-67.
  35. While the intention of the author has always been to create a more understanding approach to building and communicating Book of Mormon geographical models, and not necessarily to judge them as correct or incorrect, the following comments might give the reader some understanding of the consequences involved in implying drastic changes to the landscape of the Americas in order to accommodate internal logic. F. Richard Hauck writes:

    Researchers cannot advance any theory of the [Book of Mormon's] geography without taking into consideration the archaeological perspectives. To do so invites calamity. I shall cite several examples where the authors with all good intent did not understand the archaeological context wherein they placed their models and thus, in my opinion discredited their theories.

    Consider the 1975 publication The Book and the Map: New Insights into Book of Mormon Geography by Venice Priddis (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft). This author places the Book of Mormon lands in South America and depends on a pass in the Cordillera mountain chain to represent the narrow neck of land. In order to make this model work, the author floods the Amazon lowlands during the time that the Nephite civilization existed. She does not understand the archaeological context for South America, and that gap in her knowledge is fatal to her entire model's veracity. Archaeologists have documented archaeological sites in the flooded lowlands that are contemporary with the time the land should have been submerged. If her model is correct, those sites should not exist. . .

    Vaughn Hansen makes a similar mistake in his 1997 publication: Discovering Book of Mormon Lands (Springville, Cedar Fort). The setting for Hansen's model is southeastern Mesoamerica, to be specific the Peten region of Yucatan and Guatemala. In order to present a plausible geography, he places the narrow neck of land as an isthmus in the Peten jungle. To create an isthmus so far inland, he is forced to flood both the Gulf lowlands to the west (hence a west sea) and the Caribbean lowlands to the east (hence an east sea). . . . Archaeological sites that were contemporaneous with the Nephite occupation period exist in both of Hansen's flooded lowland areas.(F. Richard Hauck, "Sorry Folks That's Not Geography," unpublished manuscript, p. 21)

  36. Mormon apparently includes in his account on Zeniff's group a first person account by Zeniff himself (Mosiah 9:1-10:22). This section apparently came directly from the Large Plates which Mormon was abridging.
  37. John Sorenson notes:

    Directions and how they are referred to are cultural products, not givens in nature. Both the conceptual frameworks which define directions and the languages of reference for them differ dramatically from culture to culture and throughout history. . . . A person may say that "east is obvious," it is "where the sun comes up." But as I write, in Utah in December, the sun is rising in the southeast, . . . while in, say, Norway or northern Canada the sun is coming up only in what we call the south. . . . In the tropics, sunrise is at astronomical "east" on only two mornings per year. On every other day its rising point at the horizon is either to the north or south of astronomical "east," for much of the year by many degrees of arc. . . .

    Clearly, Old World civilizations held many ideas about how directions were to be determined, assigned significance, and labeled. The cardinal points were only a relatively late, technical answer to the question "what directions are there?" From a survey of ideas such as these that were known in the part of the world where Book of Mormon peoples originated we see some possibilities that enlighten us about how the Nephites may have oriented themselves, but by no means do exclusive answers to what their conceptions actually were leap out at us. (John L. Sorenson, A Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, F.A.R.M.S., pp. 401,407. For an extended discussion on cultural disparities in directional systems, see pp. 401-415.)

  38. The terms "south" "east" are two terms of an implied four-part system (north-south-east-west); the term "southeast" implies eight divisions of direction; and the term "south-southeast" implies a division of those parts into roughly sixteen sectors.
  39. Even though it might be argued that the Liahona was referred to in Alma's time by the term "compass" (see Alma 37:38,43,44), which might give added support to "compass-like" directions, it can also be argued that these same verses in Alma 37 are the last reference to a "compass" (or a "Liahona") in the Book of Mormon. Moreover, these verses refer to the Liahona in the historical past during the time of Lehi in the Old World. Whether the "compass" principle of the original Liahona was similar to other compasses, ancient or modern, or whether it was duplicated in the New World and used by the prophets until the time of Mormon and Moroni, is not specified in the text.
  40. See F. Richard Hauck, Deciphering the Geography of the Book of Mormon, 1988, pp. 29-31.
  41. The Hiltons suggest that from the point of their journey near the northern tip of the Red Sea until they reached Bountiful.
  42. It should be noted that Ishmael was buried in the place "which was called Nahom" (1 Nephi 16:34). Thus we find that Nahom probably existed many years before Lehi ever arrived. According to the Astons, one of the most interesting discoveries in recent years is an ancient city of Nehem, located on the Frankincense Trail in the general location necessary for Lehi's reference. The name NHM (in any of its variant spellings, Nehem/Nihm/Nahm, and so on) is not found anywhere else in Arabia as a place-name. It is unique. It is known to appear only once in southern Arabian writings (as a personal name) and a handful of times in northern Arabian Safaitic texts. The Astons explain that probably the strongest evidence . . . that identifies Nahom (and therefore Lehi's easterly turning point -- 1 Nephi 17:1) can be found in a study of the incense trade routes. The trade routes represent, of course, the available water sources, but they also must follow terrain suitable for camel caravans to use. . . . Since water holes do not move, the advent of modern mapping allows us to reconstruct these ancient desert highways with a fairly high degree of certainty. No one in 1830 could do so.

    It is of the greatest interest to the student of the Book of Mormon to note that the major trunk of the trade route passed through the Jawf valley within a few miles of Nehem. And it is here--and nowhere else--that the trade route branched eastward toward the Hadhramaut coast and the ancient port of Qana, the modern Bir Ali, to which most of the incense was shipped. Some minor trade routes did branch off to the south, but the major route was to the east. (Warren and Michaela Aston, In the Footsteps of Lehi, pp. 10-12, 22) (See also Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, F.A.R.M.S., pp. 90-91; Alan Goff, "Mourning, Consolation, and Repentance at Nahom" in John W. Welch ed., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon, F.A.R.M.S., p. 92; George Potter and Richard Wellington, Discovering the Lehi-Nephi Trail, Unpublished.

  43. The mention by Nephi of going "nearly eastward" from Nahom (1 Nephi 17:1) is a significant building block for establishing a standard of directions in the Book of Mormon. Like the previous situation, in which we plotted a line going "south-southeast" from the tip of the Red Sea to Nahom, we now have substantive data in order to plot a possible line from Nahom (Nehem, Sana'a, Yemen) "nearly eastward" to Bountiful (Dhofar Region, Oman, see the commentary on 1 Nephi 17:5). While these site correlations might be tentative, they are plausible, and thus they give us an opportunity to test a directional standard. The pathway from the tip of the Red Sea to Nehem, and from that point to the Dhofar region can be represented by the letter "L" overlaid on the Saudi Arabian Peninsula. By changing the directional standard, or in other words by rotating this letter "L" about an axis at the tip of the Red Sea, a cultural and geographical correlation for Lehi's trip to Bountiful becomes more difficult to explain the more the letter is rotated. Thus, without eliminating other directional options out of hand, the proposed pathway of Lehi leading "south-southeast" along the Red Sea and then "nearly eastward" from the ancient site of Nehem, Sana'a, Yemen to the Dhofar region of Oman provides a plausible directional standard similar to our cardinal directions.

    John Tvedtnes notes that the basis of the [ancient Israelite] directional system was the path of the sun. Some might find this as additional support cardinal directions, and for Lehi's journey along the Frankincense Trail, traveling "nearly eastward" from the ancient site of Nehem in Yemen to the Dhofar region of Oman. John Sorenson cites Morgenstern as maintaining that the first and second temples at Jerusalem were aligned so that the first rays of the sun on the morning of the fall equinox (Israelite New Year's Day) shone directly in through the eastern gate and down the long axis of the court and building into the holy of holies. Nevertheless, Sorenson also cites multiple other cultural deviations of direction from this norm. Sorenson, A Source Book, pp. 401-407)

    It would seem, from the above discussion, that while the term "nearly eastward" does not absolutely certify a standard of cardinal directions, those who propose an altered directional standard for the Book of Mormon must reconcile their standard with Lehi's trip from the tip of the Red Sea "south-southeast" to Nahom, and then "nearly eastward" to Bountiful.

  44. In a recent study, the Astons presented evidence that according to all the mentioned requirements for the location of Bountiful, the most likely site of "Bountiful" was in the Dhofar region along the southeastern coast of the Saudi Arabian peninsula. With completion of their coastal exploration in April 1992, they determined that only six locations approached even minimal requirements for Bountiful (defined as an accessible coastal location with a freshwater source) in any degree. (Warren and Michaela Aston, In the Footsteps of Lehi, pp. 37-56)

     While the Astons locate their site for Bountiful in the well-watered and uniquely fertile Wadi Sayq, the Hiltons locate their site at Salalah (see In Search of Lehi's Trail and Discovering Lehi's Trail. In more recent studies, George Potter and Richard Wellington locate their site for Bountiful at Khor Rhori (see Discovering the Lehi-Nephi Trail, Unpublished). All of these sites fall within the Dhofar region.

  45. As was previously mentioned, John Clark's internal model bears a striking resemblance to John Sorenson's internal model and external model set in Mesoamerica. In order to accommodate his model into a Mesoamerican setting, Sorenson had to tilt it some 25-45 degrees to the northwest. With this in mind it is interesting that on December 6, 2000, John Clark gave a FARMS brown bag lecture in which he theorized that "the earliest Olmec cities were built with the same plan, with a strict north-south orientation" (FARMS Insights, vol. 21, 2001, No. 3, p. 3). Most Mesoamerican scholars associate the Olmec civilization with the time of the Jaredites. Thus if one begins to construct Book of Mormon internal geography with the dimensions and orientation that beg an association with Mesoamerica as John Clark has done in his article "A Key for Evaluating Book of Mormon Geography," then one will have to resolve any changes in cardinal directions needed to accommodate their resultant internal model into such a setting.
  46. For example, there are some terms that create difficulties for interpreting a directional orientation relative to a point of reference: the terms "came" and "went." As far as I know, while many have proposed geographical models "according to the text," there has not been any published study completely correlating or explaining these terms relative to their geographical point(s) of reference for any model.
  47. One of my favorite stories from dental school was of the student who came up to the instructor complaining that the crown ("cap") he had fabricated on the laboratory model (molded to exactly duplicate the size and shape of the tooth) wouldn't fit down correctly on the real tooth in his patient's mouth. The student told the instructor that he just couldn't come up with a solution and asked the instructor for advice. The instructor, with a smirk, replied, "Cement the crown on the modelquot;
  48. Clark himself runs into this difficulty in associating the narrow (or small) neck of land with an isthmus. On page 27-28 of his article he says:

    As noted above, the Book of Mormon apparently specifies precise travel times for this area [the narrow neck]. But the short distances involved (one to one-and-a-half days) cannot be squared with any known isthmus (without special conditions or travel rates being specified).

    Clark makes an additional assumption of increased travel speed ("war speed" p. 27 ) for phrases such as " a day and a half's journey for a Nephite " (Alma 22:32). One is left to wonder whether such thinking was an attempt to justify the distance across his isthmus-defined narrow neck of land. Alma 22:32 only states the following:

    And now it was only the distance of a day and a half's journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward.

  49. For example, at the end of his article Clark writes: "All that this really means, of course is that I have apparently interpreted the Book of Mormon passages in a manner similar to Sorenson" (Ibid., p. 69). The irony of this statement is that Sorenson makes one huge additional assumption in order to fit his model on the real map of the American Continent. He proposes that Nephite "north" was not the north of cardinal directions. Sorenson rotates his hourglass model in a northwest-southeast orientation, citing differences in culture. By so doing, the whole map of Mesoamerica is drastically turned on its end. Cities of the "east wilderness" which would normally be placed near the Gulf of Honduras are moved hundreds of miles to be situated near the Gulf of Mexico. Without agreeing or disagreeing with Sorenson's approach, all I am pointing out is that in this particular case, one additional assumption causes changes in almost every external geographical relationship for the Promised Land relative to the Book of Mormon text.
  50. John H. Gilbert, Jr., a typesetter and pressman for the first printing of the Book of Mormon, wrote a statement on that process of the printing work when he was 90 years old, in 1892 in Palmyra. The following is an extract from that statement:

    Cowdery held and looked over the manuscript when most of the proofs were read. Martin Harris once or twice, and Hyrum Smith once, Grandin supposing these men could read their own writing as well, if not better, than any one else; and if there are any discrepancies between the Palmyra edition and the manuscript, these men should be held responsible. "Joseph Smith, Jr. had nothing to do whatever with the printing or furnishing copy for the printers, being but once in the office during the printing of the Bible, and then not over 15 or 20 minutes. . . . Names of persons and places were generally capitalized, but sentences had no end." (Wilford C. Wood, Joseph Smith Begins His Work, Salt Lake City: Wilford C. Wood, 1958, introductory pages. Taken from "The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon," in The Ensign, December 1983, pp. 42-43)

    Stan Larson states the following:

    It should be mentioned that a peculiarity of both the original manuscript and the printer's manuscript was the absence of any punctuation--there were no paragraphs, and sentences had no formal end. Actually, this is strong substantiation of the claim that the Book of Mormon was one long, dictated translation from beginning to end, particularly since all "samples of [Oliver] Cowdery's writing show consistent punctuation with the single exception of revelations that were apparently dictated to him" by Joseph Smith. (Dean Jessee, "The Original Book of Mormon Manuscript," BYU Studies 10 [Spring 1970]; 277)

    John H. Gilbert, the typesetter for Mr. Grandin, added punctuation to make the manuscript, as he said, "read as I supposed the Author intended." (John H. Gilbert, "Memorandum," September 8, 1892. Palmyra, New York; reprinted in Wilford Wood, Joseph Smith Begins His Work, p. 26.) Generally his punctuation helped, but it certainly was not infallible and was consequently improved by later editors as they saw the need. Because of the punctuation that this typesetter imposed upon the text, the meaning of some passages was unfortunately obscured. This resulted either in later punctuation and word changes to clarify the original meaning or in the minor inaccuracy continuing unchanged to the present. (Stan Larson, "Changes in Early Texts of the Book of Mormon," The Ensign, September 1976, p. 79)

    For additional information, see Royal Skousen, "Piecing Together the Original Manuscript," in BYU Today, 1992. Reprinted by F.A.R.M.S., Provo, Utah. See also F.A.R.M.S. Staff, Book of Mormon Critical Text: A Tool for Scholarly Reference, edited by Robert F. Smith, 3 volumes, Provo, Utah: F.A.R.M.S., 1984-1987, Second ed. 1986-1987.) See also The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 150th Year Anniversary Facsimile of the 1830 Edition of the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1980.

  51. See, for example, Donald W. Parry, The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted according to Parallelistic Patterns, F.A.R.M.S., 1992. John W. Welch, "A Masterpiece: Alma 36," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne eds. Rediscovering the Book of Mormon, F.A.R.M.S., 1991. Zarahemla Research Foundation, Recent Book of Mormon Developments, Vol. 2, Articles from the Zarahemla Record, 1992.
  52. Even Clark does not adequately explain his reasoning in regards to certain parallelistic phrases. According to the text, Lehi landed in the promised land (1 Nephi 18:23). Nephi fled from that landing place to the land of Nephi (2 Nephi 5:6-7). Eventually, Mosiah1 led some Nephites from the land of Nephi apparently northward (see Alma 22:27) to the land of Zarahemla (Omni 1:12-13), and the land of Nephi was taken over by the Lamanites. After a few years the sons of Mosiah2 embarked on a mission back to the land of Nephi. Alma 22:28-29 describes the dimensions of Lamanite occupation at the time of the missionary journeys of the sons of Mosiah and extending from the location of the king of all the Lamanites in the local land of Nephi:

         Now, the more idle part of the Lamanites lived in the wilderness, and dwelt in tents; and they were spread through the wilderness

         [A] on the west, in the [general] land of Nephi; yea, and

         [B] also on the west of the [general] land of Zarahemla, in the borders by the seashore, and

         [C] on the west in the [general] land of Nephi, in the place of their fathers' first inheritance, and thus bordering along by the seashore."

         [D] And also there were many Lamanites on the east by the seashore, whither the Nephites had driven them.

    And thus the Nephites were nearly surrounded by the Lamanites. (letters in brackets added)

     

    As far as I am concerned, these verses become clearer by imagining the wilderness areas as mountain ranges that parallel the west coast and slope towards the borders of the seashore. Imagine also a ridge line running parallel to the coast and right along the highest peaks.

    Statement (A) mentions only the area "on the west in the [general] land of Nephi." I interpret that to mean that location (A) involves areas on the east of the ridge line in the general land of Nephi.

    Statement (B) mentions the area "on the west of the [general] land of Zarahemla, in the borders by the seashore." Thus I would put location (B) on the west of the ridge line (the ridge line being the western border of the general land of Zarahemla).

    Statement (C) describes the area on the west in the [general] land of Nephi, in the place of their fathers' first inheritance, and thus bordering along by the seashore." Thus I would put location (C) on the west of the ridge line, along by the seashore, but still "in the [general] land of Nephi." The reader should note that a distinction is being made here. The western borders of the general land of Nephi go all the way to the west coast, but the western borders of the general land of Zarahemla do not.

    Statement (D) involves a location "east by the seashore, whither the Nephites had driven them." If Nephites were located in the land of Zarahemla, then this location would be primarily east of that land as implied by the fact that "the Nephites were nearly surrounded by the Lamanites."

     

    Therefore, one plausible parallelistic interpretation of Alma 22:28-29 as to Lamanite locations is as follows:

         location A = southern boundaries of Lamanite occupied lands (on the west of the local land of Nephi)

         location B = northern boundaries of Lamanite occupied lands (on the west of the land of Zarahemla)

         location C = western boundaries of Lamanite occupied lands (the land of first inheritance--western seashore)

         location D = eastern boundaries of Lamanite occupied lands (on the east of the land of Zarahemla--eastern seashore)

     

    However Clark sees things differently. On page 55 of his article, Clark writes:

    b. The area of first inheritance [where Lehi landed] was south of the land of Nephi. (emphasis added)

    c. Given b. [that the land of first inheritance was south of the land of Nephi], Nephi's many days' journey to the land of Nephi was probably mostly northward.

    On page 59, Clark also writes:

    The western wilderness stretched from the Nephite lands southward to the place of the Nephite's landing on the western coast, a place south of the land of Nephi (Alma 22:28). (emphasis added)

    One might ask, Just where does Clark get his internal textual evidence that the land of first inheritance was south of the land of Nephi? In the text there is no direct mention of any lands "south" of the local land of Nephi. So apparently Clark interprets Alma 22:28 in order to make his analysis of the location of the land of first inheritance (see p. 55). But once again, where does he get his internal logic? And why does he leave out the parallelistic statement "D" from his analysis? I fail to find any reasoning in the text of his article. Nevertheless, he lists his solution to the order of the Lamanite locations on the west coast in Alma 22:28 (using the letter designations we have just listed above) as "B-A-C" (from north to south). Perhaps I am wrong, but statement "D" doesn't seem to figure into Clark's logic at all relative to the order of "B-A-C." Why then would Clark make such a statement? Could it be that if one places the land of first inheritance south of the land of Nephi, and if the land of Nephi is separated by "many days" travel from the land of Zarahemla on the north, then it would not be plausible to have Lamanites occupying lands on the east of the land of Zarahemla by the seashore (statement D)? Whatever the answer, it is Clark's responsibility to explain his position in detail not mine.

    It is interesting that Clark's order of locations for Alma 22:28 is exactly the same as that put forth by Sorenson in his book An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (pp. 138-139), and in his book The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book (p. 224). On page 139 (Setting), Sorenson says, "The only geographical alignment that will accommodate both 2 Nephi 5 and Alma 22 is something close to what is shown on map 5" (which shows the same order that Clark has come up with--the land of first inheritance being south of the local land of Nephi). Sadly, neither Sorenson and Clark give options or logic other than their own opinions concerning the parallelistic flow of the text.

  53. For a complete list of all such phrases, see my book Step by Step through the Book of Mormon: The Covenant Story, Appendix A.
  54. For example, the phrase "Moroni and Lehi and Teancum did encamp with their armies" (Alma 62:34) might imply to some that all the action described previously (Alma 62:30-34) took place during the same day. However, if this is the logic, then one might also imply that because we read that "when [Moroni and Pahoran] had come to the city of Nephihah they did pitch their tents" (Alma 62:18), all the action previously described [a march from the city of Zarahemla (see Alma 62:7) to the city of Nephihah (Alma 62:18)] also took place in one day.